Nouvelle Droite

The Nouvelle Droite (fr, lit. 'New Right'), sometimes called the ND, is a far-right political movement that started in France in the late 1960s. It is the origin of the broader European New Right (ENR).[1][2] Scholars have argued that it is a form of fascism or neo-fascism, although the movement rejects these labels.

The ND began with the creation of GRECE (Groupement de recherche et d'études pour la civilisation européenne; Research and Study Group for European Civilization) in Nice in 1968, led by the philosopher Alain de Benoist. Many early members had previous involvement in far-right politics, and the movement was influenced by older right-wing ideas, such as the German conservative revolutionary movement. While rejecting left-wing ideas like human equality, the ND was influenced by tactics of the New Left and some forms of Marxism. ND members especially drew on the sociocultural ideas of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, calling themselves the "Gramscians of the Right". The ND became somewhat respected in France during the 1970s, although opposition from liberal and leftist groups later reduced its influence. Members joined political parties, notably the far-right French National Front, and ND ideas influenced other far-right groups in Europe. In the 21st century, the ND has influenced movements such as the Identitarian movement and forms of national-anarchism.

The ND opposes multiculturalism, the mixing of cultures, liberal democracy, and capitalism. It supports local forms of what it calls "organic democracy" and aims to challenge oligarchy. It promotes an "archeofuturistic" or non-reactionary "revolutionary conservative" approach to strengthening Pan-European identity and culture, while preserving European regions for Caucasian Europeans and their descendants. At the same time, it defends the rights of ethnic groups worldwide to maintain their lands and cultural identities. To achieve its goals, the ND focuses on "metapolitics," trying to influence culture over time rather than directly seeking political office.

History

After World War II and the fall of the Vichy regime, the French extreme-right went underground.[3] It returned in the 1950s through the Poujadist movement.[3] In the following decades, the extreme-right defended the French colonial empire and opposed decolonisation in Indochina and Algeria.[4] Paramilitary groups such as the OAS and Armée Révolutionnaire formed during this period.[4] Some intellectuals sought to make far-right ideas more acceptable by founding GRECE.[5] The group emphasized pagan values from Ancient Greece.[6]

1968–1974: Establishing GRECE

GRECE was founded in Nice in January 1968,[7] just before the May 1968 events in France.[1] It began with forty members, including Alain de Benoist, Pierre Vial, Jean-Claude Valla, Dominique Venner, Jacques Bruyas, and Jean-Jacques Mourreau.[8] Tamir Bar-On notes that GRECE and ND intellectuals emerged from the revolutionary right milieu.[7] GRECE became an option for young nationalists after earlier groups like Jeune Nation and the OAS collapsed.[9] These young nationalists were anti-communist and ultra-nationalist, defending Western society, scientific racism, and eugenics.[9] They opposed immigration from former French colonies and adopted anti-colonial and anti-imperialist views.[9]

De Benoist, the "undisputed leader" of the ND,[9] in 2011

De Benoist became the "undisputed leader" and primary spokesman for the ND.[10] He had been part of the ultra-nationalist Fédération des Étudiants Nationalistes and the racialist Europe-Action journal, both precursors to ND ideas.[7] GRECE adopted themes from Europe-Action, including anti-Christian positions, elitism, the idea of a united Europe based on race, and shifting from biological to cultural definitions of difference.[7] De Benoist was influenced by the German Conservative Revolutionary movement and helped revive interest in it during the 1970s.[11]

GRECE circulated internal guidance asking members to avoid language associated with older fascism and to network with key decision-makers.[7] The group was not homogeneous and contained varying views.[12] The ND learned from the 1968 unrest and the New Left, adopting the strategy that cultural change precedes political change.[13] De Benoist noted that leftist ideas had influenced French society despite left-wing parties not being in office, and sought to change French values similarly, without electoral victories.[14]

GRECE held seminars and published journals like Nouvelle École (1969) and Éléments (1973) to spread its ideas.[15] Bulletins in 1975–76 targeted professionals, and in 1976, GRECE launched the Copernic publishing house.[16]

1975–79: Growth and opposition

The term nouvelle droite was first used by journalist Gilbert Comte in Le Monde in 1978.[17] By the late 1970s, the ND had significant media influence, publishing in Le Figaro and winning awards, such as the Prix de l'essai for De Benoist's Vu de droite.[16][6] Opposition from liberal and leftist media claimed it was racist and fascist, and led to withdrawal of mainstream support.[18] The ND then shifted focus from biological racism to promoting cultural separation between ethnic groups.[18]

In 1974, GRECE members formed The Club to accelerate change, joining parties like Rally for the Republic and Union for French Democracy.[19] The Club later embraced economic neoliberalism and Roman Catholicism, differing from GRECE's anti-Christian stance.[20]

1980–99: Affiliation with Front national

In the 1980s, ND-affiliated intellectuals supported the National Front (FN) led by Jean-Marie Le Pen.[21] The FN adopted ND ideas on ethno-cultural differences.[22] By 1994, four ND-affiliated members were on the FN politburo.[23] There were tensions with Catholic factions and with De Benoist’s wing.[24] De Benoist criticized Le Pen’s populism and use of immigrants as scapegoats.[25]

In 1993 and 1994, French and European intellectuals published "The Appeal to Vigilance" in Le Monde, warning against ND influence.[26]

Ideology

The ND has evolved since 1968 and is not a single doctrine.[27] Pierre-André Taguieff identifies five ideological stages: rejecting Judeo-Christian and human-rights traditions, criticizing egalitarianism, promoting Indo-European heritage and paganism, criticizing liberal economics and utilitarianism, and advocating Ethnopluralism and cultural relativism.[28] GRECE collaborated with intellectuals like Arthur Koestler, Hans Eysenck, Konrad Lorenz, Mircea Eliade, Raymond Abellio, Thierry Maulnier, Anthony Burgess, and Jean Parvulesco.[29]

Relation with fascism

Most scholars place the ND on the far-right.[30] Some critics call it neo-fascist, citing ultra-nationalism and the idea of national rebirth.[31][32] De Benoist rejects the label "fascist".[33] The ND distinguishes its anti-capitalist and anti-liberal views from those of Nazism.[34]

Left-right wing spectrum

The ND mixes traditionally leftist ideas (anti-capitalism, federalism, environmentalism) with right-wing ideas, causing confusion about its place on the political spectrum.[35] ND thinkers describe themselves as beyond left and right, influenced by Antonio Gramsci and the New Left.[36] De Benoist has noted that the traditional left-right divide is outdated.[37]

Metapolitics and strategy

GRECE uses a long-term cultural strategy ("metapolitics") to influence society before seeking political power.[12] De Benoist promotes overthrowing liberal democracy through this cultural strategy while supporting "organic democracy" at a local level.[38] The ND critiques modernity, global capitalism, and liberalism, favoring regionalism and social hierarchy.[39]

Ethno-pluralism

The ND emphasizes the rights of cultural groups over individuals, opposing multiculturalism.[40] It supports cultural separation and homogeneity in societies.[41] ND ideas include regional ethnic federations in Europe and communitarian capitalism.[42] It opposes Westernisation and Americanization but does not promote racial superiority.[43]

Paganism

The ND rejects the Judeo-Christian tradition, seeing it as promoting egalitarianism.[44] It praises pre-Christian European paganism as culturally healthy.[45] It respects other groups’ religions but opposes imposing Christianity on Europeans.[46]

Currents

GRECE includes a range of thinkers: traditionalists, neo-conservatives, ethnic communitarians, and positivists.[12] The core remains defending identity and rejecting egalitarianism.[47]

Beyond France

The ND influenced the Neue Rechte in Germany and the European Identitarian movement.[48] Publications appeared in Belgium, Spain, Italy, and Germany by the late 1980s.[36] English translations have been published by Arktos Media.[49] It also influenced far-right movements in the United States, but differs ideologically from the US New Right, especially due to its rejection of Christianity.[50]

In the United Kingdom, the ND influenced far-right activists from the late 1970s onward, including Michael Walker, Richard Lawson, and the Identitarian Movement UK.[51] ND ideas shaped National Anarchism in Britain.[52]

Reception

The ND has been both studied and criticized.[53] While liberals and socialists condemn it as far-right, the leftist journal Telos praised its attempt to go beyond left-right divisions.[54] It is criticized by both French Catholic conservatives and Anglo-American right-wing groups for opposing Christianity and capitalism.[55]

References

Footnotes

  1. 1 2 Bar-On 2001, p. 333.
  2. ↑ Camus, Jean-Yves; Lebourg, Nicolas (2017). Far-Right Politics in Europe. Harvard University Press. pp. 123–124. ISBN 9780674971530.
  3. 1 2 Vaughan 1995, p. 215.
  4. 1 2 Vaughan 1995, p. 218.
  5. ↑ Vaughan 1995, p. 219.
  6. 1 2 François 2014, p. 90.
  7. 1 2 3 4 5 Bar-On 2001, p. 339.
  8. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 339; Spektorowski 2003, p. 116.
  9. 1 2 3 4 Spektorowski 2003, p. 116.
  10. ↑ Griffin 2000, p. 35.
  11. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 340.
  12. 1 2 3 McCulloch 2006, p. 160.
  13. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 336.
  14. ↑ Johnson 1995, pp. 238–239.
  15. ↑ Johnson 1995, pp. 235–236.
  16. 1 2 Johnson 1995, p. 236.
  17. ↑ Griffin 2000, p. 44; McCulloch 2006, p. 159.
  18. 1 2 McCulloch 2006, p. 165.
  19. ↑ McCulloch 2006, p. 163.
  20. ↑ McCulloch 2006, p. 164.
  21. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 335; McCulloch 2006, p. 167.
  22. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 335; McCulloch 2006, p. 165.
  23. ↑ McCulloch 2006, p. 158.
  24. ↑ McCulloch 2006, pp. 171–172.
  25. ↑ McCulloch 2006, p. 173.
  26. ↑ Griffin 2000, pp. 35–36; Bar-On 2001, p. 334.
  27. ↑ François 2014, p. 92.
  28. ↑ Taguieff 1994, pp. 283–284.
  29. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 334.
  30. ↑ Vaughan 1995, p. 219; Griffin 2000, p. 47; McCulloch 2006, p. 176.
  31. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 345.
  32. ↑ Laqueur 1996, pp. 168–169.
  33. ↑ Verluis 2014, p. 80.
  34. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 341.
  35. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 337.
  36. 1 2 Copsey 2013, p. 290.
  37. ↑ De Benoist 2014, p. 146–147.
  38. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 342.
  39. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 344.
  40. ↑ Spektorowski 2003, p. 118.
  41. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 346.
  42. ↑ Spektorowski 2003, p. 122.
  43. ↑ Spektorowski 2003, pp. 116–119.
  44. ↑ François 2014, p. 87.
  45. ↑ McCulloch 2006, p. 169.
  46. ↑ Spektorowski 2003, p. 117.
  47. ↑ McCulloch 2006, p. 161.
  48. ↑ Teitelbaum 2017, p. 46.
  49. ↑ François 2019, p. 98.
  50. ↑ Lee.
  51. ↑ Copsey 2013, pp. 287–297.
  52. ↑ Macklin 2005, p. 306.
  53. ↑ Spektorowski 2003, pp. 111–112.
  54. ↑ Spektorowski 2003, p. 112.
  55. ↑ Bar-On 2001, p. 338.

Writings on the subject

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